
| Britain, Leftist Nationalists and the Transfer of Power in Nigeria 1945-1965 Hakeem Ibikunle Tijani (London: Routledge, 2006), 138 pages Reviewed by: Roy Doron, University of Texas at Austin Recent historiography on African decolonization has come to challenge the established view of the transfer of power to independent Africa as an “amicable” transition and to focus on the groups that directly challenged colonial rule rather than those who cooperated in the transfer of power. Works like Caroline Elkins’ Imperial Reckoning: The Untold Story of Britain's Gulag in Kenya, and David Anderson’s Histories of the Hanged: The Dirty War in Kenya and the End of Empire both examine the Mau Mau revolt in Kenya and spearhead this new look at the history of decolonization in Sub Saharan Africa. While most of the histories focus, understandably, on Kenya and South Africa, Hakeem Tijani’s new book focuses on Nigeria, and more importantly on the leftists who came to agitate for Nigeria’s decolonization. Tijani’s book charts the beginnings of leftist intellectuals and political activists in Nigeria from Nnamdi Azikiwe and his Zikist movement, which formed in 1945, based on Zik’s writings from the late 1930s, and interestingly retained his name even after he politically realigned himself in favor of a less Marxist approach toward decolonization. Tijani’s work excels at bridging the gaps between local, British and global Marxist circles of thought. In such a short space, the author excels at showing how indigenous Marxist thinkers were caught in the emerging Cold War between the West and the Soviet bloc and how they struggled against draconian measures that the British administration, and later the Nigerian Government, enacted against them. With a very methodical approach, Tijani charts the intellectual evolution of the Marxist thought in Nigeria and how this pattern shifted from purely Leninist-Stalinist propaganda to a Marxist anti-colonial liberation philosophy that would infect the labor unions and student groups and cause the British to react in a heavy handed McCarthy-esque crackdown. Though Tijani encompasses much in a very short book, at only 109 pages (without the endnotes), it is amazing how much ground the author covers. The fact that the book is so short demands some sacrifices. The most glaring drawback with this work comes from the very nature of Marxist thought. Marx himself said that “the point [of history] is to change it”. While Tijani’s work here goes into great detail about the intellectual foundations of Marxism in Nigeria, he leaves out much about the conflicts that ensued over the implementation of the ideas into practice. For example, one of the greatest victories for leftist organizers in the covered period is the annulment of the 1958 Anglo–Nigerian Defense Pact. Marxist organizers across Nigeria organized students in bloody riots against this humiliating treaty. The author spends three pages on the intricacies of the defense pact, but only two paragraphs on the protests that led to the annulment of the treaty, the most successful application of Marxist ideology in practice. The battle for control of the labor unions receives equally short treatment despite the large buildup in the intellectual importance of control over the unions. The great strength of this book, however, lies in its discussion about the global battle for the intellectual heart of Nigerian leftists. Whether indigenous, from the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB), or Moscow itself, many pressures were exerted on the local Nigerian communist organizations. These pressures shaped not only how the Nigerian parties organized, but were strong enough that the Americans and British had to take notice and enact laws that rivaled communist exclusion acts in the US and UK. Yet here, as elsewhere, the inner workings of this conflict lack detail and life. Yet, this book provides an important entry point to a much understudied segment and period in Nigerian history and in the historiography of decolonization as a whole. Contrary to a commonly held belief, the decolonization process was not always amicable and even in the most amicable of separations, as the Nigerian case is modeled, there were powerful segments within the local populations that not only opposed the colonial administration but were organizing to violently overthrow the government. Most importantly, this work serves as an important addition and opens up many doors for future work on the amicability of the much touted “amicable decolonization”. |
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